Feminist Media Studies
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Recounting feminicide: the relational
accountability of citizen data practices
Saide Mobayed Vega
To cite this article: Saide Mobayed Vega (31 Dec 2024): Recounting feminicide:
the relational accountability of citizen data practices, Feminist Media Studies, DOI:
10.1080/14680777.2024.2443549
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Recounting feminicide: the relational accountability of citizen
data practices
Saide Mobayed Vega
Department of Sociology, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
ABSTRACT
Feminicide is broadly dened as the gender-related killing of women
and girls. Despite the increased eorts to document and measure
feminicide, ocial data remain incomplete, inaccurate, or inexplicable.
Angered at such paucity, citizens worldwide are using digital tools and
platforms to account for missing data or to counter existing feminicide
tallies. This paper presents a creative methodology for investigating
digitally mediated citizen data practices against feminicide in Mexico.
Based on a relational accountability approach, which builds on ethno-
methodology, feminist autoethnography, and critical technocultural
discourse analysis (CTDA), I examine the discursive potency of ve
digital interfaces that document feminicide in Mexico: the digital
maps Yo Te Nombro and Ellas Tienen Nombre, the digital memorial
Ecos del Desierto, the Instagram account No Estamos Todas, and the
multi-media project La Muerte Sale por el Oriente. The main empirical
ndings demonstrate that, rather than counting or objectively enu-
merating feminicide, these interfaces recount the killing of women and
girls. As a result, in the shift from data sets to data stories, digitally
mediated citizen data practices recounting feminicide are relational
and situated in aective memories and embodied landscapes.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 7 April 2023
Revised 24 October 2024
Accepted 12 December 2024
KEYWORDS
Feminicide data; citizen data
practices; data activism;
critical technocultural
discourse analysis (CTDA);
feminist autoethnography
Introduction
Feminicide (or femicide)
1
is broadly dened as the gender-related killing of women
and girls. The crucial dierence in comparison to the classication of intentional
female homicide is the role of gender as the underlying motivation for the crime. The
term “femicide” was introduced by the South African feminist and activist Diana
Russell to bring attention to male violence against women at the International
Tribunal of Crimes Against Women in Brussels in 1976. “Feminicide” was repurposed
by Marcela Lagarde in Mexico in the late 1990s. Instead of adopting the English term
“femicide” (in Spanish, “femicidio”), feminicide aimed to highlight the State’s role in
omitting, neglecting, and even colluding in the violent crimes against women and
girls occurring at the border between Mexico and the U.S. Since then, Mexico has
been central to the global recognition of feminicide (see Saide Mobayed Vega, Sonia
M Frías, Fabiola de Lachica Huerta and Aleida Luján Pinelo 2023). Given my focus on
CONTACT Saide Mobayed Vega sam270@cam.ac.uk Department of Sociology, University of Cambridge,
Cambridge, UK
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES
https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2024.2443549
© 2024 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any med-
ium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. The terms on which this article
has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
Mexico, I use the term feminicide in this paper to underscore the role of the State in
the prevalence of such crimes.
In the last four decades, feminicide has coalesced into its contemporary iterations
across elds, disciplines, and contexts (Myrna Dawson and Saide Mobayed Vega
2023). Documenting and measuring the scope of feminicide is crucial for its atten-
tion and prevention. According to the United Nations, nearly 89,000 women and girls
were killed intentionally in 2022 (UNODC 2023). However, despite increased visibility
and attention, ocial feminicide data—produced by governments and international
organisations—remain incomplete, inaccurate, inexistent, or, when available,
inexplicable.
The reasons for the current state of feminicide data are multidimensional and
context specic. Scholars and experts have pointed to inadequate recording, wilful
ignorance, limited resources, lack of political will, rampant impunity for the perpe-
trators, institutional corruption, patriarchy and structural violence (Catherine
D’Ignazio 2024; Myrna Dawson and Michelle Carrigan 2021; Maria Gargiulo 2022;
Saide Mobayed Vega and Maria Gargiulo 2024; Laura Rita Segato 2014; UNODC
2023). Angered by such paucity, citizens worldwide are using digital tools and plat-
forms to account for what has been labelled as “missing data by producing counter-
data” about feminicide (D’Ignazio 2024; Catherine D’Ignazio et al. 2022; Collectif
Féminicides Par Compagnons ou Ex, Feminizid Map, Kathomi Gatwiri, Savia
Hasanova, Anna Kapushenko, Lyubava Malysheva, Saide Mobayed et al. 2023).
In Mexico, there is an excess of death, a surplus of loss, and too much grieving
(Mobayed Vega et al. 2023). In 2022, governmental statistics showcased that almost one
thousand women were killed for reasons related to gender.
2
The sum is likely higher given
the country’s history of gross underreporting and failure to prosecute crimes from
a gender perspective (see Impunidad Cero 2022; México Evalúa 2020; Mobayed Vega
and Gargiulo 2024). Naming and counting feminicide has been rst and foremost mobi-
lised by activists on the ground (Mobayed Vega et al. 2023). Although data practices
against feminicide precede the Internet, digital tools and technologies have intensied
their production in recent years.
3
This paper oers a creative methodology to investigate digitally mediated citizen
data practices against feminicide in Mexico. Building on a relational accountability
approach, which draws on ethnomethodology, feminist autoethnography, and critical
technocultural discourse analysis (CTDA), I examine the discursive potency of ve
citizen digital interfaces documenting feminicide in Mexico: the digital maps Yo Te
Nombro and Ellas Tienen Nombre, the digital memorial Ecos del Desierto, the
Instagram account No Estamos Todas, and the multi-media project La Muerte Sale
por el Oriente.
The main empirical ndings demonstrate how, rather than counting or objectively
enumerating feminicide, these interfaces recount the killing of women and girls each time
users interact with the data, when the integrity of ocial data is questioned by citizens,
when the cases are updated by producers, or when feminicide stories are mobilised for
political action by activists. The use of recounting is also linguistic. Dierent to English,
where “to count” means to enumerate, determine the number of something, or include, in
Spanish, “contar” also means to tell a story. As a result, in the shift from data sets to data
2 S. MOBAYED VEGA
stories, digitally mediated citizen data practices recounting feminicide are relational and
situated in aective memories and embodied landscapes.
Investigating the accountability, mutual dependency, and interactions between digital
technologies and cultural meanings of citizen data practices suggests attending to the
digital not only as “an object or method of social enquiry but to the setting, or eld, from
which social enquiry operates” (Noortje Marres 2017, 39). Thus, the digital becomes
a space where discourses are mediated, and social values and norms assigned to data
are represented, gauged, explored, and contested.
Overall, this paper contributes to the elds of digital sociology, data feminism, and
citizen data against feminicide—which, may be argued, is an emergent eld of research
and practice in its own right (Collectif Féminicides Par Compagnons ou Ex et al. 2023;
D’Ignazio 2024; D’Ignazio et al. 2022; Helena Suárez Val 2020, 2022).
Citizen data and data activism
Data practices have been productive for feminists and sociologists studying, enga-
ging, and questioning the inherent power dynamics imbued in data. A long tradition
of counterdata practices has emerged from communities often left uncounted (see
Mimi Ọnụọha 2016). The rise of digital communications, technologies, and platforms
has resulted in a vast digital toolkit available to citizens to resist and contest human
rights violations by using data as a mechanism for action. Frameworks such as “data
activism” (Jean-Marie Chenou and Carolina Cepeda-Másmela 2019; Collectif
Féminicides Par Compagnons ou Ex et al. 2023; Miren Gutiérrez 2018; Stefania
Milan 2017; Stefania Milan and Lonneke van der Velden 2016) and “citizen data”
(Jennifer Gabrys, Helen Pritchard and Benjamin Barratt 2016; Jonathan Gray, Danny
Lämmerhirt and Liliana Bounegru 2016; Francisca Grommé, Funda Ustek-Spilda,
Evelyn Ruppert and Baki Cakici 2017) have emerged to explain such digitally
mediated data practices.
Data activism occurs when individuals or collectives use (and reuse) existing data
infrastructures to trigger change. At its start, data activism was understood as a reactive
response to pervasive and harmful datacation (Milan and van der Velden 2016). Similarly,
citizen data are gathered and generated “outside the domain of scientic research, using
a broad range of monitoring technologies and techniques” (Gabrys, Pritchard, and Barratt
2016, 1). Relevant to these practices are the eects and changes citizens provoke with
their actions, which aim to counter, contest, or respond to data scarcity, absence, or
inadequacy. Like data activism, individuals engaging with citizen data practices use data
infrastructures to mobilise and communicate objectives, seeking to expose or reveal what
is unseen or unnamed.
The distinction between the terms lies in the underlying intentions behind data
production.To this end, Aristea Fotopoulou (2020) expands on citizen data practices by
focusing on the processes enabling data production rather than their outcomes. In her
work on data practices from a feminist perspective, Fotopoulou underscores the politics
and power relations inherent in the everyday interaction with data, digital technologies,
humans, and non-humans. Accounting for the materiality and embodied labour of data
practices suggests prioritising the “agency of humans and the signicance of sociocultural
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 3
contexts over accounts of object-oriented ontologies of data” Fotopoulou (2020). Indeed,
the technical and the political are inevitably intertwined.
Digitally mediated citizen data practices are distributed and accessed through
digital platforms, whose anatomy is fuelled by data and furthermore automated and
organised by algorithms and interfaces (José van Dijck, Thomas Poell and Martijn de
Waal 2018, 9). Digital interfaces are devices or programmes facilitating users’ commu-
nication with a system. They are the point of interaction where dierent digital
artefacts, users, and producers connect, communicate, and interact. Interfaces include
buttons, menus, and other elements that retrieve information or feedback from the
system.
Another notable term is aordances, perceived as the potential actions, uses, and
relations that technologies allow. The latter ts into what Peter Nagy and Gina Ne
(2015) dene as “imagined aordances,” which “emerge between user’s perceptions,
attitudes, and expectations; between the materiality and functionality of technolo-
gies; and between the perceptions and intentions of designers” (Nagy and Ne
2015, 1). For example, zooming in on an image, scrolling down, or clicking on
a map are all aordances.
Digitally mediated citizen data practices against feminicide
Each time a woman or a girl is killed, scattered remains of her story populate the digital
space. Chiara Bernardi (2018) coined the term “digital dust” to describe the bits of
information about feminicide cases spread across website articles, blog posts, and photos.
To account for what remains ocially uncounted, individuals collect fragments of femin-
icide cases and turn them into variables spread across Excel databases, social media
accounts, digital memorials, and digital maps. I refer to these practices as “digitally
mediated citizen data,” “digital projects,” and “digital interfaces,” as these terms corre-
spond better with the action-ability (the interaction layer) between the users and the
digital system.
Feminicide data produced by citizens speak directly to an unevenness of power by
recounting what is otherwise omitted, silenced, or neglected by the State (D’Ignazio et al.
2022). By April 2023, Feminicidio Uruguay
4
had traced over 90 digitally mediated citizen
data practices documenting feminicide worldwide, showcasing exponential growth since
2015. Although most of these projects are in Latin America, they also exist in Russia,
Poland, Kyrgyzstan, Kenya, France, and Turkey—to mention a few.
Consequently, scholarship on citizen data practices specic to feminicide has
become a burgeoning eld (Collectif Féminicides Par Compagnons ou Ex et al.
2023; D’Ignazio 2024; D’Ignazio et al. 2022; Suárez Val 2020, 2022). Catherine
D’Ignazio’s book Counting Feminicide (2024) oers a comprehensive overview of the
anatomy of feminicide counterdata science projects. Drawing on in-depth interviews
with activists and organisations, and a collection of over 150 citizen projects doc-
umenting feminicide globally, D’Ignazio approaches data activism against feminicide
as “data feminism in action” because these projects challenge power by accounting
for uncounted deaths and missing information in feminicide cases.
To summarise, in recent decades, the proliferation and increased accessibility of digital
technologies and platforms have provided individuals and collectives with a broad digital
4 S. MOBAYED VEGA
toolkit to produce data. Frameworks such as “data activism” and “citizen data” study
practices of data-making as a mechanism to advocate for justice and accountability,
addressing what has been missing, neglected, or ignored. Citizen data practices against
feminicide can be investigated within these frameworks. In the next section of the paper,
I develop a methodology to analyse such digitally mediated data practices.
Methodology & methods: relational accountability
The empirical data informing this paper ts into a broader multi-method research project
on feminicide data practices across scales—from global institutions and national govern-
ments to citizen data—focusing on Mexico. The data collection specic to this paper was
carried out between April 2021 and July 2022, where I investigated digitally meditated
citizen data practices against feminicide in Mexico.
The methodological design is based on a relational accountability approach where the
researcher aims to unravel and critically reect upon the meanings and interactions with
empirical data. Harold Garnkel’s (1967) ethnomethodology and feminist autoethnogra-
phy, exercised through André Brock Jr.’s (2018, 2020) critical technocultural discourse
analysis (CTDA), informs this approach. As for the method, I recorded my screen while
interacting with ve citizen projects documenting feminicide in Mexico. The material was
uploaded and analysed using ATLAS.ti. After coding the data, common themes surfaced
following an inductive, grounded theory position.
Ethnomethodology
In ethnomethodology, everyday activities become account-able (Garnkel 1967) to
those enacting them, unravelling what might otherwise be dismissed or labelled as
common-sense. At the core of this perspective is participants’ own “reexive” or
“incarnate” way of accounting for what they do and how they do it, instead of the
researcher coming up with an explanation or theories for why they do so. In other
words, ethnomethodological accountability is a method where practices become
visible and reportable.
Feminist autoethnography
Digital interfaces documenting feminicide are meeting points, turning into open places
for recognition and reection. Yet this recognition and reection occurs in interaction
with the user, involving a degree of agency that is always embodied, self-reexive and
situated (Haraway 1988). To that end, my use of autoethnography becomes a powerful
tool to unravel the interactions and meaning-makings aorded by the medium.
Autoethnography, as Elizabeth Ettorre (2016) highlights, places the “I” “rmly within
a cultural context and all that implies” (2). In a similar vein, Tony E. Adams, Stacy Linn
Holman Jones and Carolyn Ellis (2015) dene autoethnography as “an approach to
research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyse (graphy) personal
experience (auto) to understand cultural experience (ethno)” (1). Thus, feminist autoeth-
nography actively demonstrates how the personal is political as it generates in-between,
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 5
transitional spaces that occupy the intersections or borderlands of emotions embodied in
the narrative (Ettorrer 2016).
I expand the possibilities of autoethnography as I interrogate my mediated relational
connections and decisions interacting with feminicide data. With this, I hope to also elicit
a shared sociocultural and technological experience around feminicide, partly through its
data and partly through the aective engagement that unfolds in making its processes
accountable.
Critical technocultural discourse analysis (CTDA)
I expand the relational accountability methodological approach to the materiality of
digital interactions using CTDA, whereby Brock gives technology a discursive potency
for making cultural meaning. CTDA operationalises digital technologies (interfaces, cli-
ents, hardware, software) as texts. Discursive actions are enacted not just through their
symbolic representations but also through their digitally materialised practices. CTDA is
a qualitative and interpretative methodology. The analysis elicited “reads the doings of
graphical user interface design (GUI), narrative, and context of use against the discourse of
its users” (André Brock 2020, 9). CTDA is highly concerned with the interface’s symbolic
articulation/accretion of meaning. Therefore, the Internet as a medium is vital to under-
standing the contexts and cultures of use where meanings are enacted and integrated
into our everyday. Both the representation of culture and the aordance of the medium
provide the infrastructure that sets up the interfaces analysed for this paper.
CTDA is interpretative and critical, demanding deep descriptions and thorough socio-
cultural context explanations. Using CTDA, I interrogate the meaning-making of culture
and the technological aordances of digitally mediated data practices. For these data
practices are inevitably “marked by a commonly lived history” (Lauren Berlant 2008, viii).
To reiterate, relational accountability is a methodological proposition that unravels our
everyday interactions and data-making practices, where the “I” becomes inherently rela-
tional and situated. Autoethnography enables an exploration of such relationality, not in
terms of the autobiographical, but to “make sense” of a collective historical experience.
I exercise relational accountability by implementing CTDA to interfaces documenting
feminicide in Mexico. I emphasise a “technology-aware” understanding of interacting
with feminicide data, for which I follow the medium’s aordances (Alessandro Caliandro
2018). Finally, a crucial axis integrating ethnomethodology, feminist autoethnography,
and CTDA is the shared cultural understandings through which relationality is mobilised
(hence the “ethno”).
The method and coding process
How was the relational accountability methodology implemented in practice? For analytic
purposes, I chose ve dierent and versatile digital projects documenting feminicide in
Mexico—following a rationale I describe below. I used grounded theory and an inter-
pretative, open, and exploratory approach to assess the interplay between interfaces,
producers, and my usage, highlighting the diversity of cultural/digital artefacts (videos,
timelines, photos, maps, etc.).
6 S. MOBAYED VEGA
I recorded my screen as I explored these dierent interfaces to query my interactions
with the data and the technological aordances enabled by the medium. Then,
I uploaded the videos to the qualitative data analysis and research software ATLAS.ti.
Aided by this interface, I immersed myself in the thematic analysis by coding video
segments and screenshots, including the backends of these websites.
The coding process followed the interpretative virtues of grounded theory, which
starts as soon as data are gathered. As a result, “by coding, researchers scrutinize and
interact with the data as well as ask analytical questions of the data” (Uwe Flick 2014, 156).
I engaged in an interplay between coding and data collection. Common themes emerged
using a critical qualitative analysis. Given space limitations, I have grouped codes into two
broader categories: “relationality”
5
and “situatedness.”
6
Figure 1 showcases a snippet of
this querying process.
Selected case studies
As covered earlier, Mexico serves as a poignant example of citizen practices against the
gender-related killing of women and girls because of the epistemological legacy—from
“femicide” to “feminicide”—and the normative shifts it sparked globally (see Mobayed
Vega et al. 2023). Between April 2021 and July 2022, I traced 20 digitally mediated citizen
data projects documenting feminicide in Mexico. I categorised them according to the
digital environment (including their dierent digital artefacts) and type of interface, kind
Figure 1. Snapshot of data coding process using ATLAS.ti.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 7
of producer (individual or collective), geographical scope, and the time frame covered
(Table 1). I dene a digital environment as the diversity of elements that allow interfaces
to become alive and animate (i.e., GUI, digital artefacts (photos, videos, Excel sheets) and
the software used by producers (i.e., JavaScript, Mapbox, Instagram, Ushahidi, Blogspot).
The ve selected case studies that illustrate this paper result from thoroughly exploring
and dissecting dierent digital interfaces documenting feminicide. The sampling strategy
exemplies four distinct types: the digital maps Yo Te Nombro and Ellas Tienen Nombre,
the digital memorial Ecos del Desierto, the social media account No Estamos Todas, and the
multi-media project La Muerte Sale por el Oriente. I based my choice on prominence,
location, and type of producer. The ve case studies had national coverage and notoriety.
Table 1. Selected case studies of digital interfaces recounting feminicide in Mexico.
Name of the project
and year of creation
Interface description (ID), digital environment (DE),
geographical scope (GS) Producer
Ecos del Desierto
(2016)
ID: Digital memorial displaying the stories of eight
feminicides in Ciudad Juárez between 1998 and 2013
recounted by the victims’ mothers.
DE: Developed using JavaScript. Digital artefacts include
an interactive timeline, eight embedded YouTube videos
(10-minute documentaries), scanned newspaper clips,
flyers, and photographs.
GS: Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua
Feminist organisation,
CEDIMAC (Direction and
photography by Alejandra
Aragón)
Ellas Tienen Nombre
(2015)
ID: Digital map showcasing feminicide in Ciudad Juárez from
1985 to 2019. Information is amplified with videos
counting feminicide from 2019 to 2022. By June 2024, the
last year of an update is 2022.
DE: Mounted on Mapbox Studio’s API, which, according to
their website, is “like a Photoshop, for maps.” Digital
artefacts include infographics, photo videos designed
with Canva, and a digital, interactive map.
GS: Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua
Individual, Ivonne Ramírez
La Muerte Sale por el
Oriente (2014)
ID: Multi-media project comprised three axes: photography,
territorial intervention in the State of Mexico, and digital
mapping of feminicide cases. By June 2024, the project is
ongoing.
DE: Built using WordPress, a content management system
(CMS). Digital artefacts include photography, a Vimeo
video recording of the territorial intervention, and
a digital map mounted on Google Maps.
GS: The State of Mexico
Individual, Sonia Madrigal
No Estamos Todas
(2017)
ID: Social media platform (Instagram account). In the No
Estamos Todas project, graphic designers recount
feminicide victims through illustrations and storytelling.
By June 2024, the social media account is active.
DE: Instagram platform. Digital artefacts include
Instagram posts with feminicide victims’ illustrations and
text.
GS: National
Illustrators’ collective,
No Estamos Todas
Yo Te Nombro (2016) ID: Digital map which displays feminicide victims in Mexico
from 2016 to June 2021. By June 2024, the data can no
longer be accessed.
DE: Digital map mounted on a Blogspot (a content
management system) and Ushahidi (open-source
software to collate and map data). Digital artefacts
include digital maps, embedded YouTube videos,
a comment section, and graphs.
GS: National
Individual, María Salguero
8 S. MOBAYED VEGA
María Salguero’s Yo Te Nombro is the most renowned citizen data practice against
feminicide in Mexico, with almost 10,000 cases recorded from January 2016 to when it
was last updated in July 2021.
7
In terms of location and given the relevance of Ciudad Juárez in the global genealogy
of feminicide (Saide Mobayed Vega 2023), I have chosen two dierent interfaces that refer
to this city, the digital memorial Ecos del Desierto and the digital map Ellas Tienen Nombre.
Similarly, La Muerte Sale por el Oriente covers feminicide in the State of Mexico, another
state with increased attention concerning gender-based violence and feminicide (see
Manuel Amador and Rafael Mondragón 2020; Humberto Padgett and Eduardo Loza 2014).
Concerning the producer, I selected three projects created by individuals (Ellas Tienen
Nombre, La Muerte Sale por el Oriente and Yo Te Nombro) and two by collectives (No
Estamos Todas and Ecos del Desierto).
It is important to stress the limitations of this methodological proposition. First,
autoethnography reects only my user experience, lacking intercoder reliability.
However, as Brock suggests, “each iteration—reposts and shares—is yet another moment
of production; each interactant has a dierent interpretation” (2020, 159–60). With this
work, I aim to incite future interventions in the eld to complement or contrast my
ndings. Also, due to space limitations, I acknowledge that this paper does not showcase
my autoethnographic voice as extensively as I would have liked.
Ethical challenges
Researching the violent killing of women is a complex and profound undertaking that
cannot be separated from the ethics of naming and portraying their faces and stories.
These dilemmas require critical redress and attention, which is my aim in this section.
Fearful of reproducing “damage-centred research” by documenting the pain of others,
Eve Tuck’s work on “Suspending Damage: A Letter to Communities” provides valuable
advice on cautionary approaches (2009). Rather than ready-made solutions, I have ques-
tions I remain concerned with and nd relevant to disclose to trigger a conversation
amongst those interested in and researching this space.
Anonymity versus naming
I recognise the agency and potency of these interfaces in recalling the names and details
of women whose lives were extinguished by misogyny, patriarchy, and racism. I also
recognise the aective engagement of families and communities in recounting their
stories in the quest for justice and accountability vis-à-vis unjust states. I like to think
about these women as energy that cannot be destroyed but transformed, energy that
ripples as data sets in digital maps, digital memorials, and this paper.
Many of these projects and interfaces seek to name, identify, locate, or document
victims. Since naming has become a relevant vehicle against impunity in data practices
against feminicide, I have included their names and stories in this paper. Yet, I question
the role of consent. Who controls these data? How and who should I anonymise?
Internet archiving: “the internet never forgets”
Furthermore, what are the ethics of using something that happens to be preserved but
that the author has intentionally discontinued? Whenever I nd a new interface that
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 9
recounts feminicide data, I archive it using WayBack Machine, “the World Wide Web
digital archive.” I do so because sometimes these websites cease to exist, given the
inherent instability of the Internet. However, this also shows our degree of responsibility
and urgency to preserve and share—sometimes, out of fear that these projects will vanish,
sometimes out of our will to keep them alive. How do we know when not to archive? What
if interfaces were taken down deliberately by the owners? One way to navigate these
questions is by verifying with data producers whenever possible.
Recounting feminicide: aective relationality and situated landscapes
A leak can be a lead.
—Sarah Ahmed, Complaint!, 2021.
With each feminicide, there is a risk of the case becoming overly mediatised as the
information about it is shared and shaped across dierent media, with the death repeated
again and again, the loss reverberating. If I were to give an analogy of how this “death
overspill” ripples on the Internet, I would say that each time a feminicide becomes
mediatised, a leak occurs, “aect amplies” (Suárez Val 2022). Bodies turn to drops that
outow into interfaces shaped with digital/cultural artefacts that recount for them
between data sets and data stories. A leak can be a lead, as Sarah Ahmed argues. Drops
multiply, expand, and join bodies of water.
Data leaks
8
permeate and soak digital interfaces to oer diverse ways of recount-
ing feminicide data. Unlike English, where “to count” means to enumerate, determine
the number of something, or include, in Spanish, “contar” also means to tell a story.
Numbers become secondary in the quest to tell their stories and memorialise their
lives (Collectif Féminicides Par Compagnons ou Ex et al. 2023; D’Ignazio 2024;
D’Ignazio et al. 2022; Saide Mobayed Vega 2022). The logic of recounting is further
imprinted in the names chosen for these projects which seek to include [i.e., Yo Te
Nombro (I Name You), Ellas Tienen Nombre (They Have a Name)], to pluralise [i.e., No
Estamos Todas (Not all of Us are Here)], or to situate [i.e., La Muerte Sale por el Oriente
(Death Comes Out from the East)].
Citizen data practices against feminicide in Mexico engage in what Francesca
Romeo (2020) denes as “digital necroresistance,” a tactic that “confronts death not
as a limit, but as a productive site that transforms the expired body into a political
engagement” (265). Aided by the aordances of digital technologies, digital necrore-
sistance in the context of data against feminicide reimagines normative ways of
counting death. In this way, the interfaces analysed here disclose worlds and envi-
sion other possibilities for engaging with feminicide data. These interfaces mediate
and are mediating worlds where meanings are brought into being through various
attributes, aordances, and methods of interaction.
Finally, rather than just “counting” or “countering” feminicide data, digitally mediated
data practices query the everyday—rather than the exceptional—order of death, as
recounting feminicide ripples beyond data sets and into data stories and settings
(Donna Haraway and Thyrza Goodeve 2018; Yanni A Loukissas 2019). Indeed, in these
interfaces, feminicide is recounted iteratively each time we engage in these stories or
when their content is used to mobilise political action. This is where the shift from data
sets to data stories occurs and why I argue they are fundamentally relational and situated.
10 S. MOBAYED VEGA
Digitally mediated feminicide data are relational
Relationality is foundational to digital interfaces recounting feminicide. Relationality is not
only concerned with the user’s interactions with the medium but with the transformative
eect of loss, which is what often triggers the emergence of these data practices (Collectif
Féminicides Par Compagnons ou Ex et al. 2023; Suárez Val 2022). The latter is encapsu-
lated in Judith Butler’s (2004) intake on the productive force of grief. At the heart of their
proposition are the relational ties of an emerging political community awakened by
a “fundamental dependency and ethical responsibility” (42). With loss, Butler asserts,
something about who “we” are is exposed, something that reveals an interconnection
with others—“the bonds that compose us” (42)—which we may not have been aware of
otherwise. For as long as I can remember, I have been deeply aected by the pervasive
violence that continues to shake my country, unveiling something about who I am, whom
I am connected with, and how I navigate the world.
Researching on or working with topics related to feminicide is rarely fortuitous. Coming
of age in a feminicidal Mexico changes the contours of your identity and belonging. The
relational impact of recounting feminicide is captured in an article co-written by Sonia
Madrigal (La Muerte Sale por el Oriente), Ivonne Ramírez (Ellas Tienen Nombre), María
Salguero (Yo Te Nombro) with Helena Suárez Val, where they reect on “how feminicide
cuts through us” (Helena Suárez Val, Sonia Madrigal, Ivonne Ramírez and María Salguero
2020, 68).
Relations are performed through the act of recounting. Such relationality can come
into being through the researcher’s agency and interactions with these data—including
my practices of making meaning. Each pin, cross, or photo that recounts a feminicide is
connected to the others through the repetition of dierence based on diverse categories.
To illustrate this, I have connected a couple of cases across these digital interfaces.
Following the analogy of feminicide cases being water drops that spill and leak from
the digital space, I traced how the same feminicide is recounted across these interfaces,
including the dierent digital artefacts used to retell stories. I was attentive to my
interaction with these cases and the variations vis-à-vis the medium through which
they were accessed. The chosen cases have deeply resonated with me in various ways,
many of which were revealed through the analysis.
I will focus on the feminicide of María Sagrario González Flores, which happened in
1998. I rst found out about her story in Ecos del Desierto. The aective connection
between this case and the ignition of pink crosses along Ciudad Juárez (and then the
rest of the country) motivated me to look further by searching for María Sagrario in
another interface. I grew up encountering these crosses, whether in the media or during
my daily commutes.
Knowing that Ellas Tienen Nombre recounts feminicides in Ciudad Juárez since 1985,
I went on to nd her there. This interface design is mounted on Mapbox Studio’s API,
which means that, compared to the use of JavaScript for Ecos del Desierto, where the
website is tailor-made, the producer is constrained to Mapbox Studio’s aordances. There
is no search bar, so I clicked on 1998, the year I knew María Sagrario was killed. I zoomed in
and out on the geography of Ciudad Juárez, red dots becoming parts that assemble
a borderless whole. I clicked on all of them, searching for her name. After clicking,
scrolling, and reading about the lost lives of other women, I found her. A text displayed
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 11
when I placed the cursor on María Sagrario’s red dot. Data leaked and spilled over: name,
date, age, the address where the body was found, and whether she had kids or was
pregnant, among other information (Figure 2).
I returned to Ecos del Desierto, where María Sagrario is recounted dierently through
digital artefacts in videos and photos showing me her house, her room, her mother. One
of the last scenes of the video shows a printed, black and white full-body image of María
Sagrario stuck to a wall in Ciudad Juárez. María Sagrario stared back at me, standing next
to the yers of other missing women and girls. I appreciated seeing María Sagrario
inhabiting the streets of her illuminated city and my computer screen, creating novel
forms of recounting and remembering her loss (Figure 3).
Figure 2. María Sagrario González Flores case in Ellas Tienen Nombre. Source: https://www.ellastie
nennombre.org/.
Figure 3. Screenshot of a photo of María Sagrario in Ciudad Juárez, taken from Paula Flores’ video in
Ecos del Desierto. Source: Video by Alejandra Aragón in http://ecosdeldesierto.org/.
12 S. MOBAYED VEGA
Another feminicide that reverberates and spills across interfaces is that of Silvia
Kezaline Corona Montoya, which happened on June 9 2019. I remember reading about
this case on an early summer morning during my commute to work, a familiar sense of
sadness and indignation washing over me. This case is recounted in Yo Te Nombro, No
Estamos Todas and Ellas Tienen Nombre. In the latter, Silvia Kezaline is in a video that
enumerates all the feminicides in Ciudad Juárez in 2019—she is assigned the number 72
—and appears as a dot on the map. I learned about the streets where her body was found,
how she died, that she studied psychology and liked CrossFit (Figure 4).
Finding Silvia Kezaline in Yo Te Nombro was easier as the interface has a search box
(Figure 5). Five pages with 76 results displayed when I typed in her name, which suggests
that 76 women named “Silvia” have been killed in Mexico between 2016 and 2021.
“#Feminicidio Silvia Kezaline Corona Montoya” is the rst on the list. I saw the dierent
variables Salguero used to categorise the case. Brown, green, blue, and purple squares
display distinctive features, such as age, whether the perpetrator’s identity is known, and
whether she was killed at home.
Figure 4. Feminicide of Silvia Kezaline Corona Montoya in Ellas Tienen Nombre. Source: https://www.
ellastienennombre.org/.
Figure 5. Silvia Kezaline Corona Montoya recounted in Yo Te Nombro. Source: http://mapafeminicidios.
blogspot.com/p/inicio.html.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 13
Finally, while scrolling down on their Instagram account, I found Silvia Kezaline in No
Estamos Todas. She is there twice, covered in orange tulips (Figure 6). I learned that she was
“full of light,” that she worked in a beauty salon, that the last person who saw her alive was her
father, and that he had gone missing. Illustrators of No Estamos Todas do not aim to portray
the victims precisely as they were but rather to create representations that capture
a connection between the victim and the illustrator. No Estamos Todas’ recount of feminicide
perfectly illustrates the relational feature of feminicide data. It is precisely here where I see the
potency of these digital interfaces. Although these women’s lives have been taken, they have
not left us; their energy has transformed. It radiates from hearts to data sets and data stories.
Relationality also takes shape as the need to recount memories, create a space for
mourning feminicide victims, and generate archives. Loss is reinterpreted, animated, and
sustained by what remains, becoming a constant abiding to the present (David L Eng and
David Kazanjian 2003). In that regard, feminicide cases crystalise into feminicide stories that
function as mnemonic practices, recording and transmitting memory.
How these interfaces devote to memory varies according to the aordances of the infra-
structures that bind and animate what remains of feminicide stories. Although individuals
mobilising social justice claims through digital platforms abide by the aordances congured
by the designers and engineers of these environments, they also nd novel or innovative
practices to express themselves through that technology. “In doing so, they draw their own
cultural, environmental, and social contexts to make meaning from their technological inter-
actions” (Brock 2020, 10). For example, while some trace, recount and store feminicide stories
through videos and photos (Ecos del Desierto, Ellas Tienen Nombre, La Muerte Sale por el
Oriente), others use media reports, symbols in maps, and interventions (Yo Te Nombro, Ellas
Tienen Nombre, La Muerte Sale por el Oriente). In contrast, others work with illustrations (No
Estamos Todas).
Ecos del Desierto is also a potent example of the relational quality of recounting
feminicide data in acts of archiving. Various layers of archives interact between the
mothers of the victims, which display dierent elements of the cases (Figure 7), the
Figure 6. Feminicide of Silvia Kezaline Corona Montoya recounted in No Estamos Todas. Source:
illustration on left by Luisa Franco for #noestamostodas: https://www.instagram.com/noestamosto
das/?hl=en.
14 S. MOBAYED VEGA
coding of the interface designed to display these data, and the role of users and (or, in my
case, researchers) in archiving the archives.
Paula Flores Bonilla, mother of María Sagrario González, whose story is displayed in Ecos del
Desierto, recalls, “Unfortunately, my daughter became an archive. A living le because
I continue to ask for justice for Sagrario. My daughter is not dead. As long as I live and
demand justice, she is still alive. She is alive, not physically, but in my heart, mind, memory,
and many places [. . .]” (CEDIMAC and Alejandra Aragón 2016) (Figure 7).
Throughout these interactions of use, I had a sense of premonitory disappearance, an urge
to keep these stories alive. Memory is a need to preserve what has—or will—perish, a wish to
remind us not of what happened but of what may come. Thus, recounting feminicide data
further opens the possibilities of building heritage. That relationality can be found within my
ATLAS.ti project, where I have deliberately archived feminicide stories through codes, screen-
shots, and videos.
Digitally mediated feminicide data are situated
Interfaces that recount feminicide data are situated as data move from data sets into data
settings. Echoing Loukissas (2019), we should question how local conditions inuence
data in everyday practices. Loukissas argues data are “entangled within a knowledge
system and inscribed in a place” (15). The relational weight of reectivity is central to
recounting feminicide data. In La Muerte Sale por el Oriente, Sonia Madrigal situates
feminicide cases in the State of Mexico both in the physical landscape and in the digital
realm. She achieves the former by unsettling the barren landscape with a mirror in the
shape of a woman’s silhouette where women’s bodies have been found. The mirror serves
as a medium that expands the viewer’s perspective of the space beyond what the photo
lens can capture and as a situated cautionary marker. This tangible device to remember is
simultaneously a reective presence and disembodied absence (Figure 8).
Figure 7. Screenshot of Paula Flores’ video showing the archive of her daughter María Sagrario González
in Ecos del Desierto. Source: video by Alejandra Aragón in http://ecosdeldesierto.org/.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 15
Madrigal recounts feminicide data digitally using Google Maps embedded in the web
content management system WordPress (Figure 9). As with the other maps, I zoomed in on
places I have inhabited to see if I recognised the streets that have witnessed unspeakable
violence. Not so far from my grandma’s house, the body of an “unidentied woman” was
found inside a black rubbish bag (Figure 9). Thus, recounting feminicide manifests as an act of
self-recognition. This occurs when our digital interactions with these interfaces trigger us to see
our reection vis-à-vis the multiple, relational data worlds we partake in. Either with a mirror or
with a cross on a digital map, La Muerte Sale por el Oriente leads to both an awareness and
a process of assimilation that says, “your body could end up here, too.”
Figure 8. Photo of landscape interventions in La Muerte Sale por el Oriente by Sonia Madrigal. Source:
Photo by Sonia Madrigal in http://soniamadrigal.com/lamuertesaleporeloriente/.
Figure 9. Screenshot of an “unidentified women” in La muerte sale por el Oriente. Source: http://soniama
drigal.com/mapa/.
16 S. MOBAYED VEGA
The cross is another noteworthy digital and cultural artefact to situate and recount
feminicide (see Bernardi 2018). Like Madrigal’s mirror, crosses signify more than place
markers; they are warnings, reminders of where bodies have been found, and locators of
stories. Four of the ve projects analysed use crosses to recount feminicide. Interestingly,
Ecos del Desierto explains how crosses became the key symbol to represent feminicides
through the case of María Sagrario González Flores. In March 1999, a group of mothers
whose daughters were killed started the organisation Voces sin Eco. As part of their actions,
they began painting crosses across Ciudad Juárez and continue to do so today (Figure 10).
Paula Flores, María Sagrario’s mother, notes, “We saw this not just as an act of protest against
the authorities, but also to protect the girls in our city [. . ..]” (CEDIMAC and Aragón 2016).
Crosses are an excellent example of the culture/digital artefact in citizen data against
feminicide, blurring lines between “online/oine.” In Yo Te Nombro, I could navigate femini-
cides cases represented as crosses in Mexico from 2016 to July 2021 (Figure 11), where crosses
of assorted colours populate the geography of Mexico, each one representing a life taken.
Crosses become a mechanism through which we can navigate, locate, delve in, read further.
Yet they also turn into habitable markers of recognition. Although each cross represents
a specic moment in time, it also contains an entire history of patriarchal oppression.
A cross’s parts simultaneously show us a detailed presence and an overall absence of power
structures. They resonate and get distorted. They expand and reduce as we navigate through
their digital wholeness.
Figure 10. Screenshots of Paula Flores and Irma Pérez painting crosses in Ciudad Juárez. Source: Video
by Alejandra Aragón in http://ecosdeldesierto.org/.
Figure 11. Crosses as digital artefacts in Yo Te Nombro’s homepage. Source: http://mapafeminicidios.
blogspot.com/p/inicio.html.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 17
Crosses are also used in the Instagram posts of No Estamos Todas (Figure 12). Although
the crosses ripple across all of them, each interface has its own culture of use—including
the users’ access device—thus enabling dierent interaction aordances. For example,
I was more likely to access the No Estamos Todas project on the phone with the Instagram
app than with the computer. Consequently, the feminicide cases I explored were
entangled in a sea of other random visual expressions which depended on the app’s
algorithms. In contrast, I usually navigated the other four via the web browser, suggesting
users access them with a purpose (i.e., research) and, perhaps, with more care and
attention.
Conclusion
Notwithstanding decades of activism against feminicide in Mexico, the killing of women
and girls persists as waves that move and ush across the country’s geography. In this
paper, I proposed a creative methodology to investigate digitally mediated citizen data
practices against feminicide in Mexico. Based on a relational accountability approach,
which builds on ethnomethodology, feminist autoethnography, and critical technocul-
tural discourse analysis (CTDA), I examined the discursive potency of ve digital interfaces
documenting feminicide, the digital maps Yo Te Nombro and Ellas Tienen Nombre, the
digital memorial Ecos del Desierto, the Instagram account No Estamos Todas, and the
multi-media project La Muerte Sale por el Oriente. The main empirical ndings demon-
strated that, rather than counting or objectively enumerating feminicide, these interfaces
recount the killing of women and girls. As a result, in the shift from data sets to data
Figure 12. Instagram post of No Estamos Todas showcasing the use of crosses. Source: Illustration by
Versos Ilustrados for No Estamos Todas: https://www.instagram.com/noestaamostodas.
18 S. MOBAYED VEGA
stories, I showcased how digitally mediated citizen data practices recounting feminicide
are relational and situated in aective memories and embodied landscapes.
In this way, I aimed to relate and situate the researcher’s agency to open the aective
resonance and embodied experiences through the digitally mediated interactions by
which I explored these projects. Finally, by exercising relational symbolic, material,
technological, and self-accountability, I illustrated the potential of citizen data practices
to participate—and provoke participation—in collective meaning-makings.
Notes
1. For the dierences between “femicide” and “feminicide” see (Mobayed Vega et al. 2023).
2. In 2022 the Secretariado Ejecutivo del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública recorded 961
investigation les opened as alleged feminicide (SESNSP 2024, 9).
3. One of the earliest uses of feminicide data can be found in the co-authored book El Silencio
que la Voz de Todas Quiebra (Rohry Benítez, Adriana Candia, Patricia Cabrera, Guadalupe De la
Mora, Josena Martínez, Isabel Velázquez and Ramona Ortíz 1999). Esther Chávez Cano is
considered the rst citizen to document feminicide in Mexico in 1993.
4. Led by Helena Suárez Val, activist and scholar.
5. Most prominent codes in the “relational” category include aecting, associating, archiving,
carrying, connecting, relating, sharing, rippling.
6. Most prominent codes in the “situated” category include accounting, bordering, crossing,
localising, locating, mapping, situating, setting, place, impunity, desert, landscape.
7. To June 2024, the website is still available but without any data.
8. Which speaks directly to how leaks are conventionally understood regarding digital data and
agree it is another line for further exploration.
Acknowledgements
I wish to express my gratitude to the copyright owners of these images, who kindly permitted me to
use them in support of my research.
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Funding
The work was supported by the Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (CONACyT) Cambridge
Scholarship, the Department of Sociology at the University of Cambridge, and Churchill College.
Notes on contributor
Saide Mobayed Vega is a sociologist conducting research on the material and symbolic impacts of
digital technologies, data, and gender-based violence. She co-edited The Routledge International
Handbook on Femicide and Feminicide (2023). She is a PhD candidate in Sociology at the University
of Cambridge.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 19
ORCID
Saide Mobayed Vega http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2711-7674
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